| The
London Blasts: Media Review
DAY
55: 31 August 2005
JACK STRAW WRESTLES WITH REALITY
JACK STRAW ON THE RADIO
Ben Russell in the Independent
today reports, 'Straw
backed memo saying war would anger Muslims':
'Jack Straw has admitted that he
authorised a memorandum to Downing Street - which was
later leaked - warning that the war in Iraq could exacerbate
Muslim extremism in Britain.'
'The Foreign Secretary said he had
"agreed" a letter from Sir Michael Jay [top
civil servant at the Foreign Office] warning No 10 that
British policy in the Middle East and Iraq was a "recurring
theme" in the underlying causes of extremism.'
'Mr Straw told BBC Radio 4 yesterday:
"It was written 15 months ago and what's said in
this letter is nothing different to what I said at the
time, indeed I agreed the letter." '
'Mr Straw denied that the war led
to Britain becoming a greater terrorist target. He said:
"Would we have been safer had we not taken the military
action in Iraq?" '
' "Now, no one can say for certain
but it is my judgement that, because we were in any event
a target, and so was the rest of the world, for this extremist
terrorism well before Iraq, that there
is no guarantee whatsoever that we
would have been safer had we not
taken military action in Iraq." '
(Philip Webster in The
Times also notes this admission on BBC Radio
4's flagship Today
programme. Nothing detectable in the Guardian.)
Straw also said that he 'refuted' (a
sadly prevalent misuse of this perfectly good word) any
suggestion that if Britain had not invaded Iraq, we would
have been 'immune' from this type of attack.
So he made two responses to the charge
put by BBC interviewer James Naughtie that the letter from
Michael Jay 'contradicted' the assertion of ministers that
there was no connection between the war in Iraq and the
risk of terrorism here in Britain:
1) There is 'no guarantee' that not
invading Iraq would have made Britain safer from terrorism.
2) Not invading Iraq would not have
made us 'immune'.
Both statements are perfectly true,
and perfectly irrelevant to the question at hand.
THE RIGHT QUESTIONS
The question is not whether 'not-invading-Iraq'
would have 'guaranteed' a reduced risk of terror, or whether
it would have made Britain 'immune' from al-Qaeda-type terror.
The first question is whether invading
Iraq 'heightened' the risk of al-Qaeda-type terror, as the
Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) warned
Tony Blair it would do - on 10 February 2003, five weeks
before the start of war. The
fact that London was not bombed by al-Qaeda-type terrorists
before the war, and has been bombed by such terrorists since
the war, is prima facie evidence that the risk of terror
has indeed risen. Independent analysts in the Royal
Institution for International Affairs (Chatham
House) support this analysis.
The second question is whether the
Prime Minister, and the British Government, entered into
the war knowing that this 'heightened' risk of terrorism
was the predictable consequence of their illegal, unpopular
and illegitimate action. This
has already been established by reference to the JIC warning.
The next question is whether the Government
has deliberately misled the British people about the connection
between British foreign policy in general, and the war in
Iraq in particular, and the 'heightened' risk of terrorism
in Britain. A reading of
the Home Office/Foreign Office report 'Young
Muslims and Extremists', drawn up in spring 2004, and
the statements of ministers since the 7/7 attacks, demonstrates
a deliberate dishonesty.
THE KEY QUESTION
Question 4 is the question Jack Straw
was wriggling away from: whether a different course of action
in the past - or in the future - would have resulted, or
now result, in a lessening of the risk of terrorism.
The Foreign Secretary is desperate
to keep the issue historical, and to frame it in terms of
whether or not invading Iraq in
March 2003 would have affected the risk of terrorism
in Britain. Mr Straw wants to make this an academic 'what
if' exercise, when he knows full well that it is the most
politically charged and present issue in Britain today.
The central question being posed in
relation to all these leaked documents is whether withdrawing
from Iraq now would
reduce the risk of terrorism in Britain in
the future.
For the authentic anti-war movement,
this question of self-interest is irrelevant. The occupation
is wrong, and should be ended even if it increases
the risk of terrorism in Britain.
For much of the British population,
however, who are unenthusiastic and uncomfortable about
the occupation, but who see no acceptable alternative, the
question of self-interest is extremely important, and can
tip the balance in favour of withdrawal.
The fact that withdrawal from Iraq
will reduce the risk
of terror, is therefore of critical significance, and this
explains the Government's desperate attempts to distract
attention from this prospect, and to mislead the British
people.
Withdrawing from Iraq now will not
and cannot make Britain 'immune'
from the threat of al-Qaeda-type terror. It may not even
dramatically reduce
the risk of terrorism - the continuing British participation
in the occupation of Afghanistan is also a burning grievance
for al-Qaeda and its supporters. But it would require a
great deal of evidence to prove that it would not significantly
reduce the risk of terror.
THE 7/7 BOMBERS' MOTIVATIONS
Let's look at the 7/7 bombers.
The key figure in Leeds, Mohammed Siddique
Khan, was apparently overcome with rage over the invasion
of Iraq:
'Though usually preoccupied by local
affairs, Mr. Khan strongly opposed Britain's joining American
forces in the 2003 invasion of Iraq. "You could not
carry out a civilized conversation with him on Iraq,"
said Arshad Chaudhry, head of the Leeds Muslim Forum,
an umbrella group of local Islamic leaders. But his anger
aroused no suspicion: Many others, Muslim and otherwise,
vehemently opposed the conflict, too.' (Wall
Street Journal,
25 July 2005)
Mr Khan had apparently
become 'radicalised' earlier, though the exact timing is
unclear from newspaper reports. It seems to be linked to
11 September, and the aftermath. As we noted on 17 July,
a Sunday
Telegraph profile of the Leeds trio, Hasib Hussain,
Shehzad Tanweer and Mohammed Sidique Khan,
notes that 'it was in a backstreet bookshop that the trio
"turned religious" about four years ago, says
one friend.'
How
did a bookshop have such an effect? The 'friend' says that
the conversion of the three men coincided with the
opening of 'Iqra', an Islamic bookshop, in Beeston in Leeds:
'I think the shop is
innocent,' the friend says, 'but I think it sold under-the-counter
stuff, videos of what
was happening in Bosnia, Iraq and Chechnya. Stuff
the television could not show. Rapes,
murders, mutilation, all saying: "Look what is happening
to your Muslim brothers and sisters." You
see that and you start
to get angry. That was the beginning.' The 29-year-old,
who refused to give his name, added: 'From
that, you feel you want to learn more about religion,
about your Muslim brothers and sisters around the world
getting murdered.'
The profile
says of Mohammed Sidique Khan, 'close friends deny knowing
anything of his weapons training at remote Afghan camps,
some confess to branding him a "fruitcake" because
of his ranting about Israel,
Iraq and Afghanistan.'
'One man - who telephoned the BBC
and also contacted police over his concerns... [said Khan's
comments] were "a little extreme. He and his friends
were very upset with what was happening to Muslims around
the world. I thought he was a bit of a fruitcake, an odd
fish." '
This confirms that the
driving motivation for the bombings is the horrific abuse
of Muslims around the world, and Western support for this
abuse - and the case of the 7/7 and 21/7 bombers, British
support for, and participation in, such abuse.
If Britain were to reduce
its support for, and participation in, such abuse, the rage
would lessen - perhaps not immediately, perhaps not proportionately,
but it would lessen. There is no evidence so far that hatred
of Britain would continue at its present levels even with
a withdrawal from Iraq.
LONDON: THE CLAIM OF RESPONSIBILITY
Let us recall in this
context the claim
of responsibility made for the London atrocities on
an al Qaeda-linked website. This contained the following
statements:
'it is time to take
revenge against the British Zionist Crusader government
in retaliation for the massacres Britain is committing
in Iraq and Afghanistan'.
'We continue to warn
the governments of Denmark and Italy and all the Crusader
governments that they will be punished in the same way
if they do not withdraw their troops from Iraq and Afghanistan.'
There is an offer to Denmark, Itay
and other foreign partners in the US occupation, and, by
implication, to Britain and the US.
If we go back earlier, we find the
offer of a truce from bin Laden himself.
MADRID: BIN LADEN'S TRUCE
OFFER
After the Madrid bombings,
Osama bin Laden released
a message to Europeans:
'... in order to deny
war merchants a chance and in response to the positive
interaction shown by recent events and opinion polls,
which indicate that most European peoples want peace,
I ask honest people, especially ulema, preachers and merchants,
to form a permanent committee to enlighten European peoples
of the justice of our causes, above all Palestine. They
can make use of the huge potential of the media.'
'The door of reconciliation
is open for three months of the date of announcing this
statement.'
'I also offer a reconciliation
initiative to them, whose essence is our
commitment to stopping operations against every country
that commits itself to not attacking Muslims or interfering
in their affairs - including the US conspiracy
on the greater Muslim world.'
'... The reconciliation will start
with the departure of its last
soldier from our country.'
... As for those who want reconciliation,
we have given them a chance. Stop
shedding our blood so as to preserve your blood. It
is in your hands to apply this easy, yet difficult, formula.
You know that the situation will expand and increase if
you delay things.' (BBC
translation)
This is confirms the analysis of Michael
Scheuer, who ran the CIA's bin Laden unit from 1996 to 1999,
who says that Osama bin Laden has
‘clear, focused, limited and widely popular foreign
policy goals’, and that he is out to 'drastically
alter U.S. and Western policies
toward the Islamic world, not necessarily to destroy America,
much less its freedoms and liberties' (Anonymous, Imperial
Hubris, p. xviii)?
If the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan
were to end, whether or not the al-Qaeda leadership is genuine
in such offers, it is overwhelmingly likely that the willingness
of young people to carry out anti-Western terrorist attacks
(which they regard as justified retaliation) will be reduced,
and the security of people in Britain, the United States
and elsewhere will be correspondingly increased. It is overwhelmingly
likely that the recruiting, financing and logistical support
offered to al Qaeda would drop.
Given the logical nature of this analysis,
it requires substantial evidence to refute it.
No such evidence is offered, only evasion
and deceit.
JNV welcomes feedback.
This page last updated 31 August 2005
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