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The London Blasts: Media
Review
ONE MONTH ON
DAY
38: 14 August 2005
LISTEN CAREFULLY / IGNORE CAREFULLY
There is an astonishing editorial in
the Observer
today, entitled 'Listen carefully: Young Muslims deserve
to be heard'. This warns the media against turning to 'community
leaders' who do not actually represent the community (in
this case the Muslim community), especially the younger
members of the community.
The main recommendation: 'The
government needs to launch a wide-ranging consultation and
ask Britain's Muslim community who, if not their MPs, might
represent their views fairly. It must also listen to the
answer.'
The purpose of the editorial is really
to attack the Muslim
Council of Britain (the Observer has a main
front page story dedicated to this, and a long inside
pages hatchet job).
Leaving aside the rights and wrongs
of the MCB, the Panorama programme being made about the
MCB, and the way that the Observer
has reported these issues, let us return to the injunction
to 'listen carefully'.
For over a month now, the British media
has 'listened' - sometimes carefully - to young Muslims
all over the country. What has emerged is summarized in
an article in two short paragraphs in Newsweek:
'If you were to ask a moderate Muslim
whether he wanted the American military out of Muslim lands,
"the answer would be the same as bin Laden's,"
argues Imran Khan, a British Muslim documentary filmmaker.
"If you were to ask moderate Muslims whether they consider
Egypt's Hosni Mubarak a dictator, their answer would also
be exactly the same as bin Laden's. The beef we've got is
exactly the same. The only way we differ is methodology."
'
'That's a colossal difference, and
one of the themes crackling through the profiles that follow.
Some of these young(ish) British Muslims may sound radical,
and the Hizb ut-Tahrir leader certainly is. But their anger
at what they see as Western aggression against the Muslim
world isn't. Understanding that anger—and listening,
even while cracking down on criminals killing in its name—is
crucial. Get it wrong, and you could have a new generation
of homegrown jihadists.'
The message has been simple, and it
has been delivered to the Prime Minister himself - by the
Home Office and Foreign Office, in their report on Young
Muslims and Extremism: 'It
seems that a particularly
strong cause of disillusionment amongst Muslims including
young Muslims is a perceived `double standard' in the foreign
policy of western governments (and
often those of Muslim governments), in particular Britain
and the US.'
At every level of the Muslim community,
this message has been repeated over and over. Even Shahid
Malik, New Labour MP for Dewsbury, wrote in the FT,
'We know what drives these
young men: the feelings
of isolation and disaffection, the
political anger at what they see as the double standards
of the west in relation to international Muslim areas of
conflict, whether that be Palestine, Kashmir, Afghanistan,
Iraq or Chechnya, and,
the hatred propagated by domestic extremists such as the
BNP.'
The white non-Muslim media has listened
to young Muslims, and to others in the Muslim community,
and now pretends it hasn't heard what has been said.
Listen again: the anger that explodes
bombs here is generated by British state violence abroad.
That is not a justification, it is
an explanation. If we want to prevent more bombs going off,
we will try to change the circumstances that produce bombers.
If we ignore what has been said, and we do nothing to change
the underlying circumstances, more bombers will rise up
out of nowhere, and more people will be murdered - in part
as a result of the wilful ignorance and willing subservience
of the mass media.
SHOOT TO KILL: NEW INFORMATION
The Observer
has a special report on the killing of Jean Charles de Menezes,
which includes the following:
'Initial claims that de Menezes was
targeted because he was wearing a bulky coat, refused to
stop when challenged and then vaulted the ticket barriers
have all turned out to be false.
'He was wearing a denim jacket, used
a standard Oyster electronic card to get into the station
and simply walked towards the platform unchallenged.'
'It has also been suggested that officers
did not identify themselves properly before shooting de
Menezes seven times in the head.'
No source is given from these claims,
or for the reported police statement that the CCTV cameras
in Stockwell underground station (and on the tube train
itself) were not working.
It is difficult to evaluate the validity
of this report.
Tony Thompson also reports on the events
leading up to the shootings:
'After 21 July officers also examined
information found within the unexploded device recovered
from the top deck of the No 26 bus in Hackney. The Observer
understands that, although information within the
bag pointed to an address in Tulse Hill, it was not clear
whether it had been placed there as a red herring or whether
it was the address of one of the bombers.'
'The address was the same block of nine
flats, spread over three stories, where de Menezes lived
with his cousins. By that same evening, the block was under
close surveillance by a specialist, unarmed police team.'
'Wary of the experience of officers
in Madrid who, having tracked down bombers to an apartment
block, burst in just as the terrorists blew themselves up,
killing one policeman in the process, detectives began a
race against time to obtain information about the layout
of the block in an attempt to ascertain exactly where the
bombers were likely to be. They then began drawing up a
plan to assault the block.'
'At around 10am that Friday morning,
officers watching the address saw a man, de Menezes, emerge
from the communal entrance. He had received a phone call
earlier asking him to fix a fire alarm at a property in
Kilburn, north London. But the police thought they might,
just, have someone important in their sights.'
'De Menezes was followed for five minutes
as he walked to a bus stop, He then boarded a No 2 bus,
along with several plainclothes officers who, again, were
unarmed. The officers hoped de Menezes might lead them to
some of the men pictured on the CCTV stills.'
'At some point de Menezes phoned a colleague
saying he would be arriving late because tube services were
disrupted as a result of the previous day's incidents. It
is not clear whether members of the surveillance team heard
this conversation. De Menezes was on the bus for a further
15 minutes until he reached Stockwell station.'
'The surveillance team were under strict
instructions not to allow de Menezes to board a train and
a rapid decision was made to arrest him using armed officers,
a procedure known as a 'hard stop'. But because the officers
in the surveillance team had no weapons, they had to change
places with officers from SO19, the Metropolitan Police
firearms unit.'
'By the time the armed officers arrived,
De Menezes was already inside, using his Oyster card to
enter the station and casually walking down the escalator
towards the platform.'
'The number of armed officers in the
Metropolitan Police had been increased last January in response
to a potential terrorist threat as part of a revaluation
of resources following 11 September. At the same time a
number of officers were given specific training on how to
deal with suicide bombers. The training was based on the
experience of police and military units in countries such
as Israel and Sri Lanka where similar attacks are common.'
'By studying footage of attacks and
even interviewing failed bombers, senior Met officers drew
up a list of 'precursor signals' that generally occur shortly
before detonation of a device. Most have not been made public
but include the potential bomber looking 'detached' from
his or her surroundings and becoming introspective.'
'In such situations new guidance suggested
the officers shoot the suspect in the head rather than the
torso as the latter would not stop a detonation and might
even ignite the explosive.'
'Officers are also warned that potential
bombers will detonate at the slightest inkling that they
have been identified. This means they will not identify
themselves until absolutely necessary.'
The Observer
is implying, but not claiming that Jean Charles de
Menezes was shot dead by a group of undercover police who
did not wear any identifying clothing, who did not identify
themselves as police officers verbally, and who did not
challenge him to halt or surrender before shooting him.
The Observer
is also suggesting that the clothing and behaviour of Jean
Charles de Menezes was not suspicious, as the police have
claimed.
It remains to be seen where the truth
lies.
JNV welcomes feedback.
This page last updated 13 August 2005
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