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The London Blasts: Media
Review
ONE MONTH ON
DAY
37: 13 August 2005
SNIPPETS
HT SOURCES OF SUPPORT
One of the measures in
the Blair 12 Step plan for recovery from tolerance is the
banning of the nonviolent (but extremist) party Hizb ut-Tahrir
(HT). The Financial
Times magazine
decided before the ban was proposed to assess the 'performance'
of the HT leadership at a public meeting.
The head of the party
in Britain, a 28-year-old IT consultant named Jalaluddin
Patel, addressed 1,000 Muslims in central London, just a
week before Tony Blair's call to ban the party.
He was dull, apparently.
FT
reporter Will Sullivan commented, 'His voice is practised
but uninspiring... Perhaps he is tempering his words for
the half-dozen news cameras present. Certainly there is
little of the anti-Semitic and anti-American venom that
has made the group so famous. Within a few minutes, people
are surreptitiously glancing at their watches.'
Later, in the question
and answer session, Mr Patel 'rattles off a list of American
offences: dropping the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, the My
Lai massacre, the battle for Falluja. "If terrorism
is the slaughter of civilians for political ends, then Bush
and Blair are the greatest terrorists in the world,"
he says, triggering his first murmurs of support all day.'
(page 8)
An indicator of the sources
of support for groups such as Hizb ut-Tahrir.
(Incidentally, Mr Patel
also delivered a condemnation of the London bombings, 'saying
that Islamic principles prohibit the targeting of civilians
"regardless of the amount of provocation".')
The editor's letter in
the FT magazine noted that
'by banning organisations, you often inspire them and win
them more recruits... We would do better to let them talk,
watch them, and arrest anyone who does something other than
talk rubbish. We already have many laws to allow us to do
that.' (page 5)
SACRED PRINCIPLES
A letter in the FT
itself praises an interview with Ayaan Hirsi Ali in a previous
edition of the magazine. Ayaan Hirsi Ali is the Somali-Dutch
MP who collaborated with filmmaker Theo van Gogh to make
a short film about domestic abuse in the Muslim community,
in which verses from the Qur'an were projected onto naked
women's bodies. Theo van Gogh was subsequently killed in
a horrific manner by a Dutch Muslim, and Ayaan Hirsi Ali
now lives under very heavy security.
The letter
in the FT comments on Ayaan
Hirsi Ali:
'Her observations about
Muslim immigrants living in the Netherlands underscore the
need for a crucial consensus among citizens of free societies
- that the principles of women's rights, secular law and
freedom of individual expression are sacrosanct and must
never be compromised for the sake of promoting a distorted
vision of multiculturalism.'
Immigrants who do not
support these core values should be 'denied the privilege
of living and working within our borders'.
It's not easy to see how
these particular values are selected as the three highest
values. (For example, why only women's rights? what about
rights for gay men and lesbians?)
Nevertheless, taking the
list as the cornerstone of Western civilization for the
sake of argument, what are we to make of the fact that it
is not Muslim immigrants who are posing the most serious
threat to, for example, 'freedom of individual expression'
in the UK.
Tony Blair's proposed
laws are aimed precisely at eroding 'freedom
of individual expression'.
If he was an immigrant,
then he should be denied the privilege of living and working
here, according to letter-writer Elizabeth Dunn of Naples,
Florida.
Michael Howard, leader
of the Conservative Opposition, is a second-generation immigrant.
He supports this attack on free speech also. Under the Dunn
proposals, he might well be at risk also.
What is extraordinary
is the collapse of articulate support for basic freedoms
and human rights.
A letter
in the Independent sums
up much of the current mood. James C Akley writes (also
from the United States):
'I can understand the
reluctance to deport people who face torture in their home
countries. However, when it comes to extremists, I would
rather risk that they might face torture, instead of my
friends and neighbours face death and explosions on their
way to and from work. I am not saying I support torture,
but the safety of citizens should be the Government's first
concern.'
The whole point of the
Blair proposals, however, and of the Belmarsh detention
system before it, is that they are targeted against men
(and perhaps one day women) against whom there is insuffient
evidence to lay a criminal charge.
If there was evidence
that these ten men were about to concoct 'deaths and explosions',
they would be arrested and tried for their crimes.
They are being detained,
and may be deported, not for what they have done, but for
what they have said, for what they believe.
Therefore, it is hard
to see how the personal safety of James Akley's friends
and neighbours has been improved by the detention of these
men.
LONDONISTAN
In fact, a strong case
can be made that the personal safety of Mr Akley's friends
and neighbours has been eroded enormously the new proposals.
On Monday, Channel 4's
Dispatches programme was devoted to the 7/7 bombings, asking,
'Why Bomb London?'
The thesis of the programme
was that the events of 7/7 and 21/7 were the result of a
lax British policy of granting asylum to Middle Eastern
extremists, creating 'Londonistan', a
hub for planning operations, recruiting militants and so
on.
Curiously, this conclusion was undermined
by the evidence at the core of the programme.
For example, in the case of Abu Qatada,
currently in detention as one of the ten deportees-in-waiting,
the programme revealed that British intelligence assessed
the preacher and concluded he was an asset rather than a
danger. They believed he would use his influence to keep
hotheads off the streets of London.
A document was displayed on the screen,
headed "Special Immigration Appeals Commission",
quoting the evidence of one intelligence officer who had
interviewed Abu Qatada several times: 'I
fully expected him to use that influence, wherever he could,
to control the hotheads and ensure terrorism remained off
the streets of London and throughout the United Kingdom'.
No evidence was presented that this
expectation was not realised.
Turning to the current issue of Prospect
magazine, this contains an
interview with Hassan Butt,
formerly of Hizb ut-Tahrir and of al-Muhajiroun (he split
from them for being insufficiently militant). Mr Butt explained
why Britain had been immune from attacks (apart from the
Qur'anic 'covenant of security' which binds Muslims seeking
protection in a non-Muslim state):
'It would be unwise
to carry out military operations here. It would harm a lot
of people. Britain is a very liberal country in comparison
to America where Muslims don't have many rights. This is
the type of country where you do have a lot more rights.
Now with Afghanistan gone, Muslims don't really have a place
where they can come back to and regroup, have time to think
and relax without the authorities breathing down your neck.'
(page 20)
'A
bomb in Britain would be strategically damaging to Muslims
here. Immigration is lax in Britain - you know as
well as I that London has more radical Muslims than anywhere
in the Muslim world. A bomb would jeopardise everyone's
position. There has got to be a place we can come.'
Q: 'You mean that different groups have agreed not to attack
Britain for strategic reasons?'
HB: 'Oh yeah, definitely.' (page 23)
Hassan Butt speculated (prophetically):
'If someone was to attack Britain, they would be a completely
and utterly loose cannon. It would be someone who wasn't
involved in the network.... I mean the jihad network.' (page
23)
This does indeed seem to be the case,
as we noted in an earlier Media Review, and as is reported
on the front page of the Independent
today.
Returning to Channel 4's Dispatches
programme, the "Londonistan=7/7" argument was
rebutted by Dominique Thomas, the author of the book Londonistan:
'The UK has become a target for radical
Islamists for two reasons. The first factor is the British
government's change of attitude
after 11 September: arrests,
a change in legislation,
a suppression of propaganda.
This was considered the first act of aggression. The second
factor is British military
involvement alongside the US in Iraq.
This was considered the second act of aggression. A clear
act of war. The fact that Britain is militarily involved
against a Muslim country exposes it to becoming a definitive
target.'
In other words, Britain was not attacked
when it permitted asylum and freedom of expression and association,
but it started to become a target when it started to repress
asylum seekers.
Of course, the other factor was the
move from "passive oppression" in foreign policy
to "active oppression"
(see the Young
Muslims and Extremism report).
On this topic, Dispatches talked to
Dr Saad al-Fagih, a Saudi dissident now living in London,
and head of the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia:
'The war
in Iraq did two things. First, it increased the reasons
to sympathise
with al Qaeda causes, it increased those reasons to ten
folds. And second, to give bin Laden the most effective
and secure and powerful base
- a replacement for what he lost in Afghanistan.'
Reporter Deborah Davies at one point
says of young Muslim extremism: 'The
driving force is not social deprivation, it's global politics'.
She notes that earlier Dispatches programmes exposed the
wide availability of violent videos in militant circles:
'These kind of videos are emotional and powerful, stirring
up a real anger at the suffering
of Muslims worldwide.'
Despite expert witness and Dispatches'
own analysis/evidence, the programme concludes that, 'there's
been a decade of government policy which allowed extremists
here to pour out their message of hate. And we've witnessed
the result.'
The indications are rather that it
was not 'messages of hate', but the reality of Muslim suffering,
which led to these 'results'. The indications are that the
'jihadi network' of foreign extremists actually restrained
attacks in the UK - for strategic and self-interested reasons.
JNV welcomes feedback.
This page last updated 13 August 2005
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