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The London Blasts: Media
Review
DAY
27: Wednesday 3 August 2005
CHRISTIAN TERRORISM
REALISM - CONSERVATIVE/LABOUR
DENIAL - FREEDMAN
CHRISTIAN TERRORISM
THE LORD'S RESISTANCE
ARMY
The Telegraph
today tells the story of an 11 year old boy named Vincent
Okot who was kidnapped three years ago by the guerrillas
of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda. The headline:
'I killed so many I lost count, says boy, 11'.
In passing, the Telegraph
mentions that the LRA leader Joseph Kony 'says only that
he wishes to rule Uganda according to the Ten Commandments.'
He has apparently 'justified murdering his own Acholi people
with biblical references and accusations that they have
failed to support his cause.'
The LRA is referred to
as 'a fanatical cult rather than a political movement'.
Why not a 'fanatical Christian
cult'? Or a 'fanatical Christian guerrilla army'? Or 'fanatical
Christian terrorism'?
It is not appropriate
to ask why IRA terrorism was not called 'Catholic terrorism',
because the IRA's central ideology was not based on the
religion of most of its members, but on a secular ideology
of nationalism (though of course there was an inevitable
sectarian element, just as there was an inevitable racist
element in the civil rights /Black liberation movement).
However, with messianic
groups and 'fanatical' movements and deluded individuals
who claim a Christian inspiration for their violence, such
as the anti-abortion terrorists, and the LRA, and George
W. Bush, it is perfectly appropriate to inquire why their
violence is not described as 'Christian violence' when violent
action by Muslims is immediately labelled 'Islamic terrorism'.
Here is a test. How often
has the the Christian basis of the LRA been referred to
in media reporting? Here is a BBC
report which does not mention the word.
There is a basis in the
Bible for this kind of thinking. To take just one example,
25 Moses saw that the people were out of control, for Aaron
had let them get out of control, so that they would be vulnerable
to their enemies. 26 And Moses stood at the camp's entrance
and said, "Whoever is for the Lord, [come] to me."
And all the Levites gathered around him. 27 He told them,
"This is what the Lord, the God of Israel, says, 'Every
man fasten his sword to his side; go back and forth through
the camp from entrance to entrance, and each of you kill
his brother, his friend, and his neighbor. ' " 28 The
Levites did as Moses commanded, and about 3,000 men fell
dead that day among the people. 29 Afterwards Moses said,
"Today you have been dedicated to the Lord, since each
man went against his son and his brother. Therefore you
have brought a blessing on yourselves today." [Exodus
32:25-29]
As we have pointed out
before, Jesus did not condemn the behaviour or teachings
of the Jewish prophets.
17
"Don't assume that I came to destroy the Law or the
Prophets. I did not come to destroy but to fulfill. 18 For
I assure you: Until heaven and earth pass away, not the
smallest letter or one stroke of a letter will pass from
the law until all things are accomplished. [Matthew
5: 17-18]
Can the behaviour
of the LRA be used to condemn all Christians? The answer
is obvious.
Can these passages
from the Christian Bible be described as 'the essence' of
the religion, and used to condemn Christianity itself? The
answer is obvious.
Why can we not treat
Islam the same way? What matters is what a particular person
does with the religion they believe in, not what some of
their fellow believers do.
RELIGIOUS HATE CRIMES
UP 600%
Scotland Yard figures
show there has been a rise of 600 per cent in attacks motivated
by religious hatred in London since the 7 July suicide bombings.
The soaring increase in faith-hate attacks
in the capital last night caused alarm among politicians
on all sides who had united in praising Britain for refusing
to bow to the bombers' strategy to spread hatred and divide
the community.
The figures, released last night, showed
there were 269 such incidents reported since the suicide
bombings compared to only 40 in the same three-and-a-half
week period last year. In the immediate three-day aftermath
of the attacks there were 68 faith-hate crimes in the capital.
There were none in the same period 12 months ago.
Scotland Yard Assistant Commissioner
Tarique Ghaffur said: "There is no doubt that incidents
impacting on the Muslim community have increased."
Most of the incidents were low-level
abuse or minor assaults but they had a great "emotional
impact" on communities, he said. "It can lead
to these communities completely retreating and not engaging
at a time when we want their support," he added. (Independent)
REALISM - CONSERVATIVE
TWO CHEERS FOR DOMINIC
GRIEVE
Conservative Shadow
Attorney General Dominic Grieve has broken the taboo.
'Interviewed on Radio
4's Today programme, Mr Grieve said: "I have to say,
I find the suicide bombing totally explicable in terms of
the level of anger which many members of the Muslim community
seem to have about a large number of things.'
' "And I don't know quite how
we are going to tackle that. I don't actually think that
simply by going round and visiting community leaders we're
going to get to some of these underlying issues." He
said many Muslims he met felt angry because of the "tension
between their world view and the world they live in".'
' Mr Grieve added: "I'm
sure that something like the Iraq war contributes to it,
because after all the Iraq war is about the intervention
of Western countries in a state that is seen as being essentially
Muslim." '
That is from
the Independent,
which headlines the story.
The
Telegraph
buries a paragraph in an unrelated story.
Nothing in
the Guardian
or The
Times or the FT.
Mr Grieve was interviewed on the Today
programme (0847am), which is listened to by everyone
in the media and in politics.
ONE CHEER FOR JACK STRAW
'We're part of the problem' in Iraq,
admits the Foreign Secretary:
'Yesterday, Jack Straw, the Foreign
Secretary, acknowledged that the presence of British troops
in Iraq was helping to fuel the insurgency in the country.
He disclosed that the Government was seeking to cut British
troop numbers in Iraq "because - unlike in Afghanistan
- although we are part of the security solution there, we
are also part of the problem".' (Independent)
DENIAL - FREEDMAN
CATASTROPHE NOW?
Professor
Lawrence Freedman, one of Britain's most respected mainstream
commentators on military and security issues, acknowledges
the importance of Iraq in understanding the London bombings,
in a column in the FT:
'Acknowledging the importance of Iraq
does not mean, however, that if only the west could reverse
course the streets would become safe. Such a hope ignores
the deep ideological well-springs of the current campaign
and the range of the terrorists’ demands. If we wanted
to be sure that the terrorists left us alone the necessary
appeasement would go well beyond Iraq and require a series
of probably catastrophic policy reversals.'
MULTIPLE GRIEVANCES
He notes that 'jihadist
speeches and websites' are also concerned about Afghanistan,
Palestine, Kashmir, Chechnya, alleged Shia assaults on Sunni
Muslims, 'many disputes bubbling
away across the Middle East and central Asia', and
'a general anguish about past
encounters between the Islamic and non-Islamic world.'
Freedman comments: 'It
may be that we are suffering now for old imperialism and
the readines to prop up a series of corrupt and repressive
regimes. There is unfortunately not a lot that can be done
about this other than to engage in an honest examination
of the historical record and to try to support more decent
governments in future.'
The professor argues that terrorism
will not stop if there is a two-state solution to the Palestine-Israel
conflict: 'The radicals aim for
no Jewish state at all.'
Furthermore, if there was a withdrawal
from Iraq, this would 'not necessarily
protect western cities from further attacks as the emboldened
Jihadists worked through the rest of their agenda.'
Hmm. A slight weakening of the argument
here. 'Not necessarily
protect' is different from 'will definitely
not protect'.
WEAKEST POINT
The weakest point in Freedman's article
comes in this pivotal paragraph. Up to this point, Freedman
has been working with absolutes, disputing the idea that
'if only the west could reverse
course the streets would become safe' - completely
safe.
Now he moves to the real terrain of
the debate:
'Might a change in policy in Iraq reduce
the risk?'
This is the real question. Freedman
answers it with a complete non-sequitur. The very next sentences
are:
'Arguing that the bombings show why
we must reverse course in Iraq suggests that the current
violence in that country is about resistance to foreign
occupation. At one point it might have been but the current,
and extraordinarily vicious, terror reflects the determination
of some Sunnis, but in particular foreign militants, to
prevent the establishment of a Shia majority government.'
Setting aside the accuracy of this
characterization of the conflict in Iraq, what has this
analysis got to do with 'reducing the risk' of terrorism
in Britain?
Secondly, critics are not arguing that
the bombings 'show why we must reverse course in Iraq'.
The authentic anti-war movement is pointing out that if
we want to reduce the risk of terrorism, we must reverse
course in Iraq - as we should for completely separate reasons.
'HEIGHTENING' THE RISK
Freedman sets out laudable goals -
'to engage in an honest examination
of the historical record and to try to support more decent
governments in future' - but he ignores an elementary
point made in the British Government's own report on Young
Muslims and Extremism:
'It seems that a particularly strong
cause of disillusionment amongst Muslims including young
Muslims is a perceived `double standard' in the foreign
policy of western governments (and often those of Muslim
governments), in particular Britain and the US. This is
particularly significant in terms of the concept of the
"Ummah", i.e. that Believers are one "nation".
This seems to have gained a significant prominence in how
some Muslims view HMG's [Her Majesty's Government's, ie
British Government] policies towards Muslim countries.'
'Perceived Western bias in Israel's
favour over the Israel/Palestinian conflict is a key long
term grievance of the international Muslim community which
probably influences British Muslims.'
'This
perception seems to have become more acute post 9/11
. The perception is that passive
'oppression', as demonstrated in British foreign
policy, eg non-action on Kashmir and Chechnya, has given
way to 'active oppression'
- the war on terror, and in Iraq
and Afghanistan are
all seen by a section of British Muslims as having been
acts against Islam.'
In other words, there was a background
of anger well before the invasion of Afghanistan, but it
was the actions taken after 9/11 that crossed a threshold,
triggering a new level of alienation and hatred, even despair.
The movement from 'passive oppression' (inaction in the
face of oppression) to 'active oppression' (actively engaging
in the killing and mistreatment of ordinary Muslims) has
changed the threat environment.
As Britain's Joint Intelligence Committee
warned the Prime Minister before the invasion of Iraq (reported
in a 600kb document, available from the
Cabinet Office):
'The
JIC assessed that al-Qaida and associated groups continued
to represent by far the greatest terrorist threat to Western
interests, and that threat would be heightened
by military action against Iraq.' (page 34, emphasis
added)
Lawrence Freedman is fully
aware of these reports, yet he chooses to ignore the elementary
point that Afghanistan and Iraq - and Guantanamo and Belmarsh
and other repressive acts - have tipped the scales for many
Muslims, both Western and non-Western.
THE WIDER GRIEVANCES
It might nevertheless
be true that passing the threshold is a one-and-for-all
transformation, and that no policy changes West performs
will reduce the level of anger and hatred existing in elements
of the Muslim world.
By Freedman's own logic,
though, these policies should nevertheless be reversed because
they are wrong.
It so happens, however,
that there is every reason to expect that the risk of terrorism
will reduce as the policies are reversed.
If we distinguish between
the terrorist commanders and their support base, let us
consider first the commanders: Did the foreign mujaheddin
who attacked Russian invaders in Afghanistan continue their
war against godlessness in Russia after the withdrawal of
Russian troops? Osama bin Laden went home. He did not return
to violence until a new 'transgression' - US troop deployments
in Saudi Arabia in 1990.
Turning to the support
base, they have been told that this is a war for specific
objectives. Thus bin
Laden's offer of a truce to European nations after the
Madrid bombings:
'Based on the above, and
in order to deny war merchants a chance and in response
to the positive interaction shown by recent events and opinion
polls, which indicate that most European peoples want peace,
I ask honest people, especially ulema, preachers and merchants,
to form a permanent committee to enlighten European peoples
of the justice of our causes, above all Palestine. They
can make use of the huge potential of the media.'
'The door
of reconciliation is open for three months of the date of
announcing this statement.'
'I also offer
a reconciliation initiative to
them, whose essence is our commitment to stopping
operations against every country that commits itself to
not attacking Muslims or interfering in their affairs
- including the US conspiracy on the greater Muslim world.'
'The reconciliation will start
with the departure of its last soldier from our country.'
'The door of reconciliation is
open for three months of the date of announcing this statement.'
'As for those who want reconciliation,
we have given them a chance. Stop
shedding our blood so as to preserve your blood.
It is in your hands to apply this easy, yet difficult, formula.
You know that the situation
will expand and increase if you delay things.'
This is in line with other bin Laden
pronouncements. Thus the analysis of Michael Scheuer, who
ran the CIA's bin Laden unit (1996-1999), who only left
the CIA last November, who says that Osama bin Laden has
‘clear, focused, limited and widely popular foreign
policy goals’, and that he is out to 'drastically
alter U.S. and Western policies toward the Islamic world,
not necessarily to destroy America, much less its freedoms
and liberties' (Anonymous, Imperial
Hubris, p. xviii).
The most plausible claim
of responsibility for the 7/7 bombings is also in line
with this offer:
'We have repeatedly warned the British
Government and people. We have fulfilled our promise and
carried out our blessed military raid in Britain after our
mujahideen exerted strenuous efforts over a long period
of time to ensure the success of the raid.'
'We continue to warn the governments
of Denmark and Italy and all the Crusader governments that
they will be punished in the same way if they do not withdraw
their troops from Iraq and Afghanistan. He who warns is
excused.'
Whatever the intentions
of the leadership of the al Qaeda networks, the question
is whether the support base of alienated Muslims will volunteer
to carry out these brutal actions if the policies which
they object to are reversed. The significant policies are
specifically identified in the London statement: Afghanistan
and Iraq.
It cannot be guaranteed
that if the key policies are reversed there will be a marked
reduction in the risk of al Qaeda-type terrorism. But there
is reason to believe that this would be the case.
On the other hand, there
is no evidence to support the counter-claim that Lawrence
Freedman implies and that is summed up in the headline given
to his piece 'A reversal on Iraq will not protect us'.
If Britain would only
go from 'active oppression' of Muslims to 'passive oppression',
the risk of al Qaeda-style terrorism would reduce.
Maybe one day we can have
a foreign policy of 'no oppression' to anyone, whatever
their faith.
JNV welcomes feedback.
This page last updated 3 August 2005
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